Harmonizing with the dust

"The Ming Dynasty 1566" He Maocai once said to Hai Rui: As an official, one should blend with the light and dust.

Hai Rui is the Hai Gangfeng who indirectly starved his own daughter; he is the light, hard as steel throughout his life;
He Maocai is the governor who has been mingling in the officialdom for many years; he is the dust, always trying to figure out the thoughts of his superiors until his death.

This drama is profound, realistic, and pierces the human heart, and this phrase "blend with the light and dust" has been pondered over by many.

His daughter inherited Hai Rui's tough character and stubbornly starved herself to death.

"Blend with the light and dust" comes from the Tao Te Ching: "To dull its sharpness, to untie its tangles, to blend with its light, to be one with its dust; this is called the mysterious unity."

It means: to dull the sharpness, brilliance, and edges, to free oneself from disputes, to merge into the myriad phenomena of light, to mix with the dust of the earth; the greatest is also the smallest, this is called the mysterious assimilation, the subtle path to great unity.

In fact, there are roughly three types of personalities that embody the meaning of blending with the light and dust:

The first type

Mediocre individuals who mistakenly believe they are the light, self-deceiving.

The most famous explanation is by Daoist priest Meng Zhiling, who explains the three hidden aspects of Daoism:

There is a Dao, which does not reveal itself in the secular world (one can have a perspective that sees the essence and objective three-dimensionality), but rather strives to remain like ordinary people.

It does not mean that an ordinary person can blend with the light and dust; ordinary people do not need to blend with the light and dust because they are already dust.

This is said plainly.

The public is also clear that many beings are indeed ordinary people, with very few capable individuals. They just do not want to truly accept their mediocrity.

They possess various human flaws: laziness, cunning, pretentiousness, lust, jealousy, greed... and so on. The general public is indeed very secular!

Those who consider themselves "light" are often the least welcomed in groups because they usually expose their mismatch of virtue and ability in their actual lives, and their fate is often filled with self-pity.

The second type

Individuals whose abilities or backgrounds are indeed outstanding, yet arrogant.

A friend of Ryan, the sharp general, said well: My father taught me that those whom everyone says are "very shrewd and scheming" are actually not smart. Because everyone knows he is shrewd, they will be on guard against him. Conversely, those who seem honest and uncalculating are often the most unpredictable.

Many capable individuals bury themselves in work, unguarded, yet overlook the principle that to do things well, one must first know how to be a person.

Where there are people, there is a world; where there is a world, there is humanity.#

We often inadvertently fall into the traps of human nature. To see clearly these traps of human nature, one must first clarify another question: What is the essence of humanity?

The most authoritative voice on this question is, of course, the great socialist founder Karl Marx (1818-1883). Two hundred years ago, the philosophical community was in a heated debate over the question of "What is the essence of humanity?" Fortunately, Marx swept through Europe with a single sentence, awakening an entire era. This sentence is: "The essence of man is not an abstraction inherent in each individual. In its reality, it is the sum of all social relations." — "Theses on Feuerbach, Thesis 6"

What does this mean? Marx pointed out,

① Natural attributes are the instinctual properties of humans, such as appetite, sexual desire, and survival instinct.

② Social attributes are the essential properties of humanity, mainly referring to the relationships of cooperation, exchange, and interdependence among people. For example, human labor, language, and morality are all derived from social attributes as a kind of "skill."

Therefore, in Marx's view: natural attributes are shared by humans and animals, while social attributes are unique to humans.

For example, in 1920, two wolf-girl children were discovered among a pack of wolves in Kolkata, India. One was named "Kamala," and the other "Amala." Because these two girls lived among wolves since childhood, they walked on all fours, feared light and fire, and were nocturnal. They did not eat vegetables, could not speak, and howled like wolves every day. Despite the locals' efforts to restore their humanity and social attributes, they all ended in failure. This story proves that humans are essentially social animals; if a person lacks social attributes, they cannot be called a human. In other words, the essence of humanity is the sum of all social relations. Why discuss this theory? Because social attributes represent the moral aspect, while natural attributes represent the desire aspect. Since the essence of humanity is social attributes, the social attributes of humans fundamentally restrict their natural attributes. Social culture is like a prison, confining desires.

Natural attributes, or "desires," only determine the thinking patterns of humans. Social attributes, or "culture," determine the behavioral patterns of individuals. So, what impact do social attributes have on human behavior?

Human nature is complex, always centered around "I" and "myself."

People with jealousy, avoidance, and other psychological traits will envy your salary being higher than theirs, or your partner being more beautiful than theirs, but they will not reflect on their own contributions and abilities, etc., in a positive self-reflective manner.

Many people display their "light" with a strong attitude or inadvertently, which invisibly adds a wall around themselves, placing them in opposition to the group, creating a wall that invites criticism.

Groups are not influenced by rational thinking and can only understand those simplified, pieced-together viewpoints.

When the group you belong to loses rationality, even if you are clear-headed, your situation will be difficult; either you will be abandoned by the group, or you will be seen as an enemy by the group.

From "The Crowd" by Gustave Le Bon

Those close by are jealous, while those far away admire.

Hai Rui is the "light," possessing a character of integrity and the ability to execute with an iron fist. However, his "sternness" and "idealism" overlook the fact that secular human nature extinguishes human desires; he is a sufficiently sharp knife, but who would keep a used blade by their side?

The third type

Lonely light, blending with dust, attaining the Dao.#

In "The Great River," Xiao Hui plays basketball with Secretary Shui, and Old Shui comments:

"You haven't forgotten my age and position; you simply cannot cooperate. You are not too independent; you are too arrogant.

However, your arrogance is not the usual kind of pride; it comes from being too smart and too excellent, a kind of arrogance that arises from deep within."

"I'll change."

"This kind of arrogance cannot be changed. But don't be discouraged; arrogance is also a person's capital. It is your persistent motivation to keep moving forward. But this kind of arrogance should be deeply hidden in your heart, not shown to others, and you should not impose your standards on others."

"Are you saying I should lower my expectations of others?"

"Modern industry emphasizes social division of labor and social cooperation. Managing others is also a form of cooperation; to cooperate with others, you must fully understand their characteristics. Society is composed of the masses; some may not be as excellent as you, and some may not be as ambitious and competitive as you, but you cannot do without them. To cooperate with them, you must slow down your pace so that others can keep up with you."

Such individuals are too focused and too selfish. So selfish that they forget the people behind them, focused to the point of naively believing that individual achievements can surpass collective achievements.

Even those with great abilities are lonely; they see through the cultural attributes of society. They disdain participating in the material distribution of the "lower class," enjoying high levels of thought and spiritual freedom.

Some have learned to harvest; ignorance is indeed a social resource for the wise, as they harvest the parts of human nature's flaws that benefit them. The consensus of fools is also a consensus; such insights are not something everyone can articulate.

In the 1566 drama, Hu Zongxian (a positive heroic figure in the drama, another representative being Li Hongzhang) is so unattainable that the jealousy of the mediocre cannot harm him. However, when Hu is trying to turn the tide, he knows he must have the masses behind him to accomplish his mission.

Blending with the light does not taint the body; blending with dust does not change the truth.#

In doing anything, do not be one-sided or eager for quick success; there must be both advances and retreats, with some detours, maintaining flexibility.
Where there are people, there is struggle; if you cannot learn interpersonal relationships, you will always be constrained by others.
How fortunate we are to have caught up with China's century-long era of rising national fortunes; I do not want to let this era down.
The road is chosen by oneself; no matter how difficult it is, one must continue to walk.
Success requires effort, not waiting for opportunities.
Life is like a marathon; it requires persistent running.
The distance reveals a horse's strength, and time reveals a person's heart; time will prove everything.
Do not let this world be given to those you despise.
A tree that stands out in the forest will be blown down by the wind.
Life has no "ifs," only consequences and results.
A person's realm is limited by their vision.
Be cautious when others are greedy, and be greedy when others are cautious.

14. The waters of the Canglang are clear; they can wash my tassels. The waters of the Canglang are muddy; they can wash my feet.#

But ideals have always been a luxury; to persist in ideals, one must be willing to pay the price.
Blending with the light and dust means understanding division of labor and cooperation.
Where there are people, there is a world, and there is struggle.
The more capable a person is, the more their words can be easily understood.
Talent can only be effectively proven through action.
First, extreme confidence is blind; second, knowing oneself and the enemy ensures victory in every battle. Finally, the primary concern of running a business is market awareness.
Even if there is an excess of production capacity in the world, the top is always scarce, and the scarce can always be priced by its owner.
When being a person and making money, do it quietly, without making a fuss, and be happy yourself.
If you want to make money, look for policies; that is an unbreakable truth.
Those in power can make friends; people have always done this, and even those who steal can enter the court; in the past, Meng Changjun escaped misfortune because of this. When employing people, one should have a broad mind and not be rigid.
In whatever you do, you must be ahead of others; if you cannot learn from Song Yunhui's cleverness, then learn from Zhu Bajie, who rushes to eat and relieve himself first. Being ahead means more opportunities; if you follow behind others, you will never get the meat.
He finally believed that there is a deep yet shallow gap between theory and practice, and this gap is called experience.
You have always been strong; that has never changed, but life has always been giving us difficult problems, and that has never changed.

The underlying logic of "the temple is small, the evil wind is strong; the pond is shallow, there are many turtles" is that everyone, in a limited and fixed environment, pursues the maximization of personal interests for survival. As animals, humans have the direct instinct to compete for limited resources for their own survival and to maintain the continuation of themselves and their kin. When there is no connection with the outside world, and the focus is only on the limited resources within the local area, one can go to any lengths to obtain the scarce resources in sight. The result of competition is a zero-sum game; the winner takes all, and the loser is left with nothing. As a loser, having been left with nothing in the previous round of competition, one will always be on the lookout, ready to seize the opportunity at any time. As a winner who has taken all in the previous round, one cannot afford to be negligent, fearing that overnight, the resources in hand may vanish. Therefore, because the temple is small and lacks hierarchy, a gust of wind can seem very large; because the water is shallow, turtles need to stick their heads out to share a bit of water. The result of this internal struggle, where everyone shows their skills, is that even a small temple can become shaky, and incense may not be preserved; a shallow pond can become increasingly murky, and ultimately, when faced with a drought, the water evaporates, and even shallow water cannot be retained.

The opening of "The Theory of Fate" states: "Governance and chaos are determined by fate; ... success is determined by fate." Li Kang believes that the stability and turmoil of a country depend on fate; an individual's hardships and prominence depend on destiny; the nobility and lowliness of status depend on timing. This part is the overall outline of the text. Li Kang believes that when a wise ruler meets a virtuous minister, the national fortune flourishes; when a virtuous minister meets a wise ruler, their names become prominent, and the meeting of rulers and ministers is all about timing. To thoroughly explain this point, he cites a large number of historical facts, both positive and negative, repeatedly discussing the influence of fate on people, even saying, "Qu Yuan sank into the Xiang River because of it, and Jia Yi was indignant because of it," all because they did not understand fate and did not grasp the principle of "being content with one's fate."

The "sage" and the "petty person" have different attitudes toward fate. Li Kang believes that the reason sages become sages is that they can be content with their fate, thus suffering from poor fortune without resentment, holding important positions without suspicion; their "body can be suppressed, but fate cannot be bent"; "position can be pushed aside, but name cannot be taken away." Those who conform to the secular world and are content to be the same are adept at reading faces and navigating the winds; "where power gathers, they follow like returning to the market; where power departs, they abandon it like shedding old clothes"; "using observation as spirit, using direction as adaptability," they toil in the pursuit of fame and fortune, ultimately unable to escape the shameful and tragic fate of figures like Fei Lian, E Lai, Fei Wuji, Zhang Tang, and Shi Xian. From this perspective, fate is fair to everyone.

Finally, Li Kang discusses the establishment of virtue by sages. Establishing virtue is a matter of one's heart and nature, so it does not necessarily require "wealth," "power," or "riches." The greatest virtue of heaven and earth is to nurture all things; the greatest treasure of sages is the position of emperors. How to maintain the throne is called benevolence, and how to prohibit people from wrongdoing is called righteousness. Therefore, those who ruled in ancient times governed the world with one person, rather than using the world to support one person. Those who served as officials in ancient times implemented the way of rulers and ministers through their positions, not coveting official titles for fame and fortune. Ancient gentlemen considered it shameful to possess the world without being able to govern it, and not to have obtained it while being able to govern it was also shameful.

"The Theory of Fate" theoretically aligns with Wang Chong's "Encountering" and "Accumulating Harm," promoting the idea of fate. However, a comprehensive view of the text reveals it to be a passionate and fervent work. The article discusses fate throughout, but its main purpose is not to talk about fate; rather, it uses the topic to criticize the various evils of the officialdom and social conditions. Subsequently, Liu Xiaobiao wrote "On Distinguishing Fate," extending Li Kang's ideas, with even more intense language.

"The Theory of Fate" is a lengthy article with rich content and complex thoughts. Some specific metaphors and analyses in the text are certainly commendable; however, the overall argument is not without bias. The author, witnessing the late-stage power of the Cao Wei regime falling into the hands of the Sima family, lamented the impermanence of national rise and fall and the meeting of rulers and ministers, yet could not comprehend it, thus attributing everything to fate, openly stating: "Governance and chaos are determined by fate; poverty and wealth are determined by destiny; nobility and lowliness are determined by timing." He believes that this "fate" is unchangeable, and an individual's rise and fall, wealth and poverty, are all manipulated by personal fate and the fate of the times. To prove this point, he cites many historical figures and events, such as "Bai Li Xi was in Yu when Yu fell, and in Qin when Qin became hegemonic, not because he was not talented in Yu but because he was a talent in Qin"; Zhang Liang received a letter on the ruins and used "The Art of War" to persuade the heroes, but no one understood until he encountered Liu Bang, who listened to every word and often used his strategies, "not because Zhang Liang's clumsy words were clever in Chen Xiang but because of fate." Similarly, Confucius was a sage of a generation, whose "Dao was sufficient to save the world, yet he could not gain favor with people; his words were sufficient to endure for ten thousand generations, yet he was not believed in his time; his actions were sufficient to respond to the divine, yet he could not be recognized in the secular world; he was invited to seventy states but never gained a lord; he was humiliated in the domain of the barbarian Xia, and humiliated at the gates of the nobles; this was his misfortune." Conversely, those whose virtue was inferior to Confucius, such as Zisi and Zixia, enjoyed favor from the rulers and shone for a time; this was fate's decree.

"The Theory of Fate" is a political essay written in parallel prose, its exquisite diction, neat language, careful sound, and rich allusions can be considered a mature piece of parallel prose, which has a significant impact on the later development of parallel prose.

Ma Guoqing | On Family Division: In Division, There is Continuity and Unity — A Study of China's Family Division System - Department of Sociology, Peking University wap

Editor's Note

Ma Guoqing, born in September 1963, from the Hohhot, Inner Mongolia, currently serves as the Vice President of Minzu University of China and the Dean of the School of Ethnology and Sociology. From 1991 to 1997, he pursued a doctoral degree in the Department of Sociology at Peking University (Institute of Sociology and Anthropology) under the guidance of Mr. Fei Xiaotong. From March 1997 to September 2004, he taught at the Institute of Sociology and Anthropology at Peking University, serving as a lecturer and associate professor. Ma Guoqing has been deeply influenced by the research philosophy of sociology and anthropology at Peking University, with main research directions including the Chinese national community, ethnic and regional development studies, and globalization and cross-regional social system research.

It is generally believed that family division in China signifies the complete rupture of the family as a whole, akin to cell division. However, through field investigations, the author has found that in China's family division system, while the economic family is divided, the cultural family can never be separated. Family division actually embodies both continuity and unity. "Continuity" is reflected in the obligation to support the elderly, known as "successors," and in the obligation to worship ancestors, known as "continuing the clan." "Unity" refers to various cultural agreements between the original family and the divided families, as well as among the divided families. Thus, the division at the family level and the unity at the clan level are organically combined. Here, division arises from the practical needs of farmers; unity is a realization of Confucian values. Therefore, the grand tradition and the small tradition in Chinese society are not oppositional but rather a connected separation.

On Family Division: In Division, There is Continuity and Unity — A Study of China's Family Division System#

Ma Guoqing

As early as the 1940s, Mr. Fei Xiaotong used the triangular structure of the family to describe the characteristics and evolution of family structure in "The Reproductive System." He pointed out that from the perspective of a core family, when a couple marries, the two points of the triangle (the couple) are already established, and when a child is born, it forms the third point of the triangle, thus completing the social structure's triangle. "This completed triangle is referred to as a family in anthropological and sociological terms; as the number of children increases, the third point becomes stronger, and the triangular structure gradually expands. 'At a certain time, a child cannot remain stable in this triangle; they cannot forever be just a point connected to their parents; they must also connect with two other points to form a new triangle.' This makes the original family triangle incomplete. 'This is not an accidental outcome of the original triangle but rather the ultimate purpose of forming this triangle. The rupture of the triangle is the completion of its function.'" Here, Mr. Fei vividly describes the process of a family giving birth to a new family in clear language, and the so-called "rupture of the triangle" is naturally the result of family division. This article intends to continue the topic of the rupture of the triangle and discuss the family division system in Chinese society.

Generally speaking, family division refers to the state and process in which married brothers separate from the original extended family by dividing their livelihoods and property. In this article, the term has both broad and narrow meanings. In a broad sense, family division refers to the new families formed after division, including the parental home and the families of the offspring; in a narrow sense, family division specifically refers to the new family formed by the offspring, which corresponds to the original family that refers to the parental home. The establishment of a new household is a manifestation of family reproduction.

Of course, the so-called independence of family division is relative. "Economically, they have become independent, meaning they each have their own property and their own stove. However, various social obligations still connect them... They help each other, and their relationships in daily life are relatively close." The author has conducted investigations on the family division system in Beiwang Village, Zhao County, Hebei Province, and will begin by discussing the connotations of family division based on the case studies obtained from the investigation. The following case study 1 reflects the family division process over nearly half a century, while case study 2 reflects the actual family division from the beginning of this century to the present.

Case Study 1: The JPY Family.

In Figure 1, after JMT and JGT divided their families, they gradually developed into two independent families. In the genealogy of JMT, there are two sons, JX and LM, and these two families divided in 1942; the third generation, JRS (c), also divided from his father in 1942, and the third son, LZ (d), divided from his father in 1954; on the JLM side, due to having no sons, he passed on his brother's two sons, LR, who divided from his father in 1954, resulting in the divided family being e; thus, the relationships of a with c, d, and b with e form the original family (parental home) and the divided families, where e is actually the division of a. In the genealogy of the JGT family, its five sons divided in 1945, and by the 1960s, except for three who were divided, the other families had not divided, but the family types presented different structures, with 2, 4, and 6 being extended families, while 3 and 5 were core families, with 3 having moved to another place due to military service.

Now let's look at a family that has been dividing since the beginning of this century.

Case Study 2: The JLH Family

According to JLH (male, 68 years old), during his great-grandfather's time, there were 6 houses and 16 acres of land, with 13 people; by his grandfather's generation, there were 5 brothers, with a total of 18 people in the family, later leading to two families being cut off. When JLH was 9 years old (in 1937), there were 20 people in the family and 60 acres of land, with no division. In 1937, his third uncle, considering his own interests (at that time he only had one daughter), first proposed the division. At that time, the division was based on "shares" and not according to the number of people. During the division, the three brothers each received one share, with 60 acres of land divided into 20 acres each. After the grandfather divided 20 acres, his father and elder brother each received 10 acres, and each family also received 3 houses, with witnesses being elders of the Jia surname. In 1940, his father and elder brother divided their families. During the equal division (land reform, 1947), the four brothers and their father divided 21 acres of land, and by the end of 1955, all the land had entered the advanced cooperative; that year, he divided from his father, while his younger brother began to share with their father, but they did not divide the family property until 1960. On the elder brother's side, there were three sons and two daughters; the eldest son divided his family in 1955, while the second son did not divide until after marriage in 1965. At that time, the grandfather was still alive, and the father and elder brother each managed for half a year (the population registration book showed that the two families had 65 and 35 people, respectively). In 1982, during the joint production contract, JLH received 9 acres of land. At that time, there were 3 boys and 3 girls, and the eldest son worked in the county. When they divided their families in 1989, the second and third sons each received more than 4 acres of land. Now, the living expenses of JLH and his wife are supported by their two children. JLH said that the current family division is similar to before liberation, dividing sons but not daughters. Figure 2 is the family genealogy chart.

Case Study 2: The JLH Family.

From Figure 2, it can be seen that before the JLH family's grandfather's generation divided, the J family was a relatively typical extended family, with four generations living together, as reflected by the solid line A; the division in 1937 led to the fragmentation of the extended family. In the JLH grandfather's generation, a new extended family was formed consisting of c, a, and b. After the division in 1940, a and b formed new families. JLH himself (ego) divided from his father in 1955, and his younger brother also became independent in 1960 to form a new family e. In the 1980s, JLH's two sons (the eldest son was already working outside) also divided their families. In this division, due to his advanced age, JLH divided all the land to his sons, with his sons providing for his old age, including food.

From the above case studies, it can be seen that whether in traditional village society or modern rural areas, in most cases, families established through marriage relationships often become a component of the extended family, not constituting an independent family externally; only through division can they become an independent family. Therefore, family division is the main way of family reproduction.

So, how is property divided during family division? In rural areas, family division is based on "shares," not on marriage units. For example, if three brothers are married, during division, the eldest brother's eldest son is married, making the marriage unit four, but during division, the property is usually divided into three shares rather than four. Furthermore, the "family" in traditional Chinese society is very different from the marriage unit. Additionally, in the division of property, everyone is not treated equally. For instance, if three brothers A, B, and C have not divided their families before, A has three sons, and the eldest son is married and has one child, B has two unmarried sons, and C has one young son. During the division of property, it is not divided into 10 shares based on male population but into 3 shares. C, with only one son, receives 1/3 of the property, while B and his two sons receive 1/3 of the property, and A with three sons and one grandson also only receives 1/3 of the family property. The above case study 2 is an example. It can be seen that dividing property based on "shares" inherently leads to wealth inequality. Therefore, when studying the differentiation of rural society, family division is a very important variable.

As for the factors triggering family division, some are due to the death of one or both parents, some due to brotherly discord, and some due to poverty. The Mantetsu "Custom Survey" conducted a survey from 1940 to 1942 on the reasons for family division in five villages in Hebei and Shandong (with 39 cases), summarizing the reasons for family division as follows: 1. 12 cases of living difficulties; 2. 6 cases of discord among sisters-in-law; 3. 7 cases of discord among brothers; 4. 7 cases of economic discord among brothers; 5. 1 case of diligent family division; 6. 1 case of discord between aunts and sisters-in-law; 7. 1 case of discord between father and son; 8. 1 case of elderly father.

Regarding the reasons for family division, Friedman analyzes it from the perspective of economic competition and conflicts of interest among brothers. He believes that in an extended family, when the head of the family is alive, the sons do not have the ability to exercise personal rights, but this right is potential; at this time, the competitive relationship among brothers is mainly performed by the married sisters-in-law. However, once the father's authority disappears, this competitive relationship becomes apparent, and the division of the family becomes uncontrollable. He points out that although brotherly unity is repeatedly emphasized in Confucian ethics, their separation due to property is inevitable.

Mr. Xu Liangguang.

Xu Liangguang believes that when the bond between husband and wife is stronger than that between father and son, family division is likely to occur; conversely, it is easier to achieve generations living together. These depend on the economic conditions of the family; in affluent classes, the realization of family ideology is easier, and the relationship between father and son is strengthened; in impoverished classes, the independence between husband and wife is higher, making family division easier.

The above discussions may be summarized as an increase in friction within the family, breaking the internal balance of the family. However, this is only the direct cause of family division. In many cases, people do not wait for these causes to appear before dividing their families. During my investigation, I found that many families often divided without any friction or conflict within the family. Villagers often say: "Our current family division is just the right time to divide; although there are instances of quarrels, they are not many." Thus, I think family division is also a customary phenomenon. That is, beyond the direct causes of family division, there are deeper cultural bases. When family division becomes a cultural institution, it possesses the general attributes of culture; it is already existing, and people accept it without questioning why, simply believing that everyone does so; when acting according to this, the decision-making cost is almost zero. Of course, the benefits of family division are evident. In fact, family division is a rational choice for farmers, stemming from the specific realities of life. From the perspective of the functions of family division, it not only reduces family friction and stimulates each family member's enthusiasm for economic activities but also benefits individual independence and the full utilization of kinship relationships as a social resource. Because before family division, kinship relationships face many difficulties in communication, while family division clarifies the direction of kinship relationships.

In Chinese society, especially in rural society, villagers often say "family division shows high and low within three years," "wealth does not last beyond three generations"; "father and son united, the yellow earth turns to gold," "three brothers and four siblings united, the land in front of the door turns to gold." The former indicates that property is not fixed but is constantly flowing; the latter indicates that as long as father and son and brothers unite as one, working hard and frugally, they can turn from poor to rich. These proverbs reveal two important phenomena: family division allows the flow of property rights such as land and houses between different families, enabling the rich to become poor and the poor to become rich, thus bringing about social mobility.

Unlike the hereditary system of land in medieval Western European villages, which cannot be bought or transferred, ancient Chinese land could be bought and transferred. This not only leads to land annexation and the emergence of new landlords but also causes a large number of self-cultivating farmers to lose their land and become tenants and hired farmers, and even landlords can lose their property and become farmers. As Professor Hu Rulei pointed out: "Under the constraints of land transactions, the class status and economic identity of various levels in Chinese feudal society also exhibit characteristics of instability." The saying "one piece of land changes ownership a thousand times in a thousand years" and "30 years in the east of the river, 30 years in the west of the river" can be seen as a reflection of this flow of property rights and social mobility.

Hu Rulei's "Research on the Forms of Chinese Feudal Society." Image source: Douban.

The flow of property rights during family division is primarily a vertical process from the father to the offspring, while from a longer-term perspective, due to the free buying and selling of property such as land, property rights also have a horizontal flow between families. Accompanying the vertical and horizontal flow of property rights are the upward and downward social mobility of farmers. The following different case studies reflect this reality:

(1) "Wealth does not last beyond three generations"

This section's case study reflects the family division process involving three generations, during which the flow of property is continuously divided from the original base.

Case Study 3

WBQ's grandfather had 5 sons and over 400 acres of land (including 80 acres of sandy wasteland) at the beginning of this century, along with more than 10 acres of orchards, 1 brick kiln, 1 sesame oil factory, 1 oil mill, 1 cotton house, 1 cloth shed, and over 80 sheep. By 1924, the amount of land was basically the same. At that time, the family had 31 people and employed an average of 3-4 workers monthly. By 1934, there were over 200 acres of land. That year, due to buying a sick horse, all 5 livestock died. Under such circumstances, the five brothers divided their families, with each share being 15 acres of land and 300 yuan in debt, leaving 58 acres of irrigated land and 80 acres of sandy wasteland. In 1940, the houses were divided, and the father received 12 rooms. In October 1941, the grandfather passed away. That winter, the remaining 58 acres of irrigated land were also divided, with each share receiving 105 acres, and each share also received 17 acres of sandy wasteland. WB's father received a total of 29 acres of land and 17 acres of sandy wasteland. After the division, the father bought a two-wheeled cart and a water cart. In 1946, WB and his three brothers divided their families, with the family population at that time being 10 people. WB himself received 1/4 of a large cart, 1/4 of a cow, 1/4 of a water cart, 1/4 of a wheelbarrow, 6.8 acres of irrigated land, and 7 houses.

From this case, it can be seen that the division of WB's father's brothers went through two processes: first, only part of the irrigated land was divided, and later, due to the grandfather's death, the family property was completely divided. The base of over 200 acres of land (including 80 acres of wasteland) was divided equally among the five sons, with each share receiving over 20 acres of irrigated land; by the time of WB, the four brothers further divided the 20 acres received from their father into 4 shares, and he received 68 acres. This case reflects the continuous division of land and houses in the cry of family division. This is also the reasoning behind the saying "wealth does not last beyond three generations." Of course, an important factor in "wealth does not last beyond three generations" is the existence of "wasteful children," as farmers often say.

Case Study 4

At the beginning of this century, JZL's grandfather had two brothers, with over 100 acres of land and 3 livestock, employing both long-term and short-term workers. After division, they had 50-60 acres of land. One family fell into decline under his father's management, and by 1937, they had no land left, nor livestock or farming tools, and J could only work short-term jobs. However, due to his great-uncle having no sons, after his great-grandmother's death, all his property flowed back into JZL's family through inheritance. Before land reform, there were 5 people in the family, with 22 rooms (12 of which were taken over from his great-grandmother's family) and 18 acres of land.

From this case, it can be seen that JZL's grandfather's generation had over 100 acres of land, and during his father's division, he received over 50 acres. By 1937, his father's division had become a landless farmer. However, due to the principle of inheritance, their family’s land went from having nothing to having something.

(2) "Family division shows high and low within three years"

Family division, to some extent, provides the operators of the new families with an opportunity to realize their potential. The high and low abilities, the good and bad management gradually manifest after family division, thus widening the distance between each divided family. Of course, during division, parental favoritism may also provide a certain family with a better economic foundation.

Case Study 5

ZYH's father had three brothers, ZLQ (ZYH's father), ZLG, and ZLP. In 1914, ZLQ's father passed away, leaving behind 50 acres of land, 21 rooms, 2 mules, 1 donkey, 1 large cart, and 1 water cart, with his mother in charge. In 1920, ZLQ first separated from the family. During the division, due to his mother's favoritism, he only received 3 acres of land and 7 rooms (3 of which were later bought back for 60 yuan), along with 200 yuan in debt. Life was quite difficult after the division. ZLQ was very hardworking, and as his sons gradually grew up and could help, they began to have surplus every year and saved some money. Between 1944 and 1946, he bought 224 acres of land, and between 1944 and 1945, he bought 10.43 acres of wasteland. Before land reform, there were 16 people in the family, with 30 acres of land, 13 rooms, 1 mule, and 1 water cart. Later, due to discord among the sons, they divided their families in 1949.

ZLG divided from his mother and ZLP in 1937, with 5 people in the family, receiving 45 rooms, 1/2 of a mule, 1/2 of a water cart, and 303 acres of land (of which 235 acres were irrigated). Two to three years before land reform in 1947, he bought 39 acres of land from a relative, and in 1947, he divided out 9 acres of irrigated land, later returning 6 acres, thus having 342 acres of land at that time, with 6 people in the family.

ZLP was the most favored by his mother, receiving 205 acres of land, 8 brick houses, 2 earthen houses, 1/2 of a mule, 1/2 of a large cart, and 1/2 of a water cart. Afterward, he hired workers for some side businesses, earning a considerable income. He passed away in 1946, leaving behind his only son ZBL. During land reform, ZLQ was classified as a middle farmer, ZLG as an upper middle farmer, and ZLP as a rich farmer.

Case Study 6

ZRL's grandfather ZLQ had 4 brothers: ZLS, ZLZ, ZLH, and ZLQ. Grandfather ZLQ had over 100 acres of land. ZRL's father had two brothers, and his uncle had two sons, JS and JH. His father died at the beginning of this century, and his mother died in 1936. By 1937, they had not divided their families before the uncle's death. At that time, the family had over 300 acres of land, 5 mules, 1 donkey, and nearly 100 rooms, living a typical extended family life. The year after the uncle's death, the 4 brothers divided their families, splitting into three shares, with the uncle's two children JS and JH forming one share; the ZLQ brothers divided into two shares, and then the 4 brothers combined these two shares into one share and divided it into 4 shares. At that time, ZLQ received 37 acres of irrigated land and 10 rooms, with 8 people in the family. Before 1941, he had hired a worker for a year. In 1943, ZRL's father, another uncle, and grandfather ZLQ divided their families, with ZRL's father receiving 13 acres of land and 3 rooms. Later, he bought a small cow, built 3 new rooms, and exchanged wasteland for a piece of familiar land from ZLQ (same clan) (4.564 acres). During land reform, he received a piece of irrigated land in the north of the horizontal road (4.813 acres), thus having a total of 223.95 acres of land (including 205.26 acres of irrigated land). ZRL and his father divided their families in 1951, receiving 10 acres of irrigated land, 4 rooms, and 1 well shed; his uncle divided in 1943, receiving 8,379 acres of land and 3 rooms; his second grandfather ZLS divided in 1938, receiving 29 acres of irrigated land, over 2 acres of dry land, and 10 rooms, with 1 large cart. In 1940, he bought a mule and jointly cultivated 20 acres of land from his father-in-law, sharing the harvest equally. This 20 acres of land hired workers for farming (hiring one worker for a total of 2-3 years), and in 1943, he sold the mule and bought a donkey, no longer cultivating with his father-in-law. During land reform, he was divided out 1/2 of a donkey, 1/2 of a water cart, and 1/2 of a large cart, with the land as mentioned above. ZRL's two uncles, ZLZ, received 27 acres of irrigated land and 8.96 acres of dry land during their division, which remained unchanged until land reform; ZLH received 19 acres of land and 6 rooms during their division, which also remained unchanged until land reform. The two cousins JS and JH received a share of 100 acres during their division in 1938, and by land reform, they had 83 acres and 20 rooms (the two brothers had not divided their families).

From the above two case studies, it can be seen that whether from rich to poor or from poor to rich, or basically staying in place, the property status of each family is in a state of change, and correspondingly, social mobility arises from this.

(3) "Father and son united, the yellow earth turns to gold"

Now let's look at a few case studies:

Case Study 7

JWJ's grandfather had 24 acres of land, 1 donkey, and 8 rooms. Later, life became worse year by year, and by the time of J's father, only 6 acres of dry land and 2 rooms were left, with 10 people at that time. Afterward, J's father and several brothers began to purchase some land by working for others. By the time of land reform, the J family had 11 people, with 5 rooms and 22.5 acres of land, including 215 acres of irrigated land and 1 donkey. In 1954, the J brothers divided their families, with him receiving 54 acres of land and 2 rooms.

Case Study 8

JHL's grandfather received 10 acres of dry land and a piece of empty land when dividing the family at the beginning of this century. Later, his grandfather and father worked together to build 25 rooms and reached over 70 acres of land, with 27 people at that time. In 1937, his father's three brothers divided their families, with his father receiving 21 acres, 1/2 of a water cart, 1/2 of a mule, and 9 rooms, with 7 people at that time, while the grandfather and grandmother were supported by his father's three brothers. Before land reform, there were 7 people, with 21 acres of land, 1 water cart, 1 cart, 1 donkey, and 9 rooms, without exploitation. There was no change in the above situation after land reform. In 1952, he divided from his father, receiving 6 acres of land (half irrigated and half dry) and 3 rooms, sharing the large cart and water cart.

Case Study 7 reflects that the 24 acres of land in the grandfather's generation had only 6 acres of dry land left in his father's hands, and later, through the joint efforts of his brothers and father, they repurchased some land, reaching 22.5 acres before land reform. Case Study 8 indicates that his grandfather only received 10 acres of land during the division. Afterward, through the grandfather's efforts, by the 20-30s of this century, they had 70 acres of land, 27 people, and 25 rooms. Later, when his father's three brothers divided their families, his father received 21 acres, and this situation was basically maintained. Although these two case studies cannot be said to have become wealthy, they have also escaped poverty.

The flow of property rights brought about by family division, along with the related social mobility, gives the traditional social farmers' economic and social status a characteristic of instability. Therefore, when one generation falls, they will not despair; they can still pin their hopes for family revival on the next generation. Reflecting on whether China's examination system gives ordinary farmers the hope of "from a farmer in the morning to a hall of the emperor in the evening," I wonder if this family division system and the examination system have influenced the cultural psychology of the Chinese people. Chinese people are optimistic, rarely have tragic complexes, and always hold vague hopes for the future; is this cultural psychological characteristic related to various systems in real life? This is indeed a very interesting question.

Fei Xiaotong's "Reproductive System." Image source: Douban.

If family division is like the division of extended families, it will not be long before it continues to divide until it reaches the level of core families. However, is this gradual fragmentation of families a process that cannot be reversed? It is not. Mr. Fei Xiaotong used the "feedback model" to illustrate this relationship. Of course, this model summarizes the relationship from the perspective of elderly care, but it reveals one aspect of the relationship between family division and the original family. This prompts me to think about the following questions: What is divided in family division? What kind of relationship exists between the original family and the divided families? Let's discuss these issues.

Due to the rich variety of family structures, scholars have various understandings of what constitutes family division. Among them, Cohen's definition, which states that family division only counts when family property is formally divided, has the greatest influence. He believes that as long as the family finances are shared, even if the people are separated, they are still members of one family. The division of family finances is the main variable for the initial division of the family. Some scholars believe that Cohen overlooks the fact that landless farmers use the division of stoves as a criterion for family division. In fact, whether it is property division or stove division, they are just important indicators of family division; without a formal family division ceremony, even if there is property division or stove division, it cannot be considered family division, as in case study 2. Overall, these studies on family division are primarily considered from an economic perspective, with less consideration from a social perspective; when there is some involvement, people often view property division as a complete rupture of a family, as many researchers often believe that the principle of equal inheritance among brothers leads Han families to inherit a divided family rather than an intact family. In reality, this is not the case. Behind the division, an important word is "continuity." "Continuity" is a basic characteristic of Chinese families. Chinese families are groups that "serve ancestors above" and "continue the descendants below." "Continuity" is a key link in the reproduction process of families.

I believe that family division is a division that contains continuity. Here, "continuity" mainly includes two meanings: one is the successors, which is the obligation to support the elderly, which I call "continuity contains care," and the other is the continuity of ancestral worship, which is the obligation to worship ancestors.

After family division, the relationship between the divided families and the original family (which also gives rise to the relationship between divided families) is mainly reflected in the obligation to support the elderly, especially after one parent passes away, the care for single elderly individuals becomes an important obligation for each divided family. In Beiwang Village, this is mainly reflected in "taking turns to eat." During my investigation, I found that whether on the household registration book or the land register, many households in Beiwang Village often use decimal points to indicate family populations, such as 5.5 people or 33 people, reflecting the phenomenon of single elderly individuals "taking turns to eat" in different sons' homes. According to my statistics, among the 506 households in the village, there are over 160 such families. The elderly care of JLH's grandfather in the 1960s is an example. During my investigation, I focused on interviewing HJG, an 80-year-old elder who lives in his eldest son's home but eats in each of his two sons' homes for half a year. Such families are relatively common in both the north and south. Existing research has mainly considered family division from the perspective of property; in fact, an important aspect of family division is the division of people, that is, the delineation of responsibilities for caring for parents, which is "continuity contains care." In Fujian and Taiwan, this phenomenon is often expressed as "division follows the person."

Regarding the second aspect of continuity, which is the obligation to worship ancestors, as commonly seen, most families divide property but do not divide worship. In rural North China, this worship relationship is mainly reflected during festivals such as the Spring Festival and Qingming, where ancestral tablets are rarely seen in homes.

The main content of continuity has been described above. So, what is the cultural basis for continuity?

The concept of caring for parents is based on the Confucian principle of "filial piety," which is well-known and will not be elaborated here; as for the obligation of worship, it is based on the concept of the unity of father and son. Chinese culture particularly emphasizes the concept of unity, such as the unity of father and son, the unity of brothers, and the unity of husband and wife, with the unity of father and son being the core. The so-called "unity of father and son" does not only refer to the two generations of father and son. Above the father is the grandfather, and below the son are the grandchildren. The unity of father and son actually represents all stages of male lineage relationships, meaning that all ancestors and all descendants have a unified relationship. This unity needs to be confirmed and reinforced through religious rituals, hence the worship of ancestors. Surrounding the concept of ancestor worship is the belief that a person's existence is due to their ancestors, and conversely, the existence of ancestors is also due to their descendants. The life of ancestors in the underworld must rely on the offerings from their descendants in the living world, while the well-being of the living descendants relies on the protection of their ancestors in the underworld, and the bond connecting them is worship. If this worship ceases, both ancestors and descendants will suffer. Ancestors will have no one to care for their lives in the underworld, and the living descendants will also not receive the blessings of their ancestors. Mr. Fei Xiaotong once said that the Chinese are a nation with both ancestors and descendants, which carries profound meaning.

In reality, the father and son are the core link from ancestors to descendants, and the father-son relationship directly reflects the content of "continuity." According to customary law, only sons have the right to inherit property; daughters lose their inheritance rights upon marrying into another surname; all sons inherit property according to the principle of equal division. The eldest son often receives an additional share for ancestral worship. For the same reasons, if there are no sons, choosing a successor is not a simple matter. Many genealogies explicitly state that if there are no sons, a successor must be chosen from those of the same surname. The genealogy of the Sun family in Shouzhou states: "If there are no sons, a successor must be chosen from those of equivalent status, as stated in the genealogy. If there are no successors, one may choose a beloved one, but one must not raise a child of a different surname to avoid disrupting the clan." The regulations of the Peng family in Jianyang state, "Not having children is an unfortunate matter, so it is natural to care for them, but one must choose a beloved and virtuous one from those of the same father and kin, and must not choose a child of a different surname to avoid causing disorder in the clan." To prevent disputes over property and succession within the clan, customary laws have also established a sequence for choosing successors, such as the Li family of Jiaogang stating, "In families without sons, the eldest son of the first branch without sons must be followed; if the second branch has no sons, the second son of the first branch must be followed; disputes are not allowed. If there is no one to inherit, one must choose the most capable child from the nearest branch; if there are no nearby branches, one must choose a talented person from the distant branch."

The above discussion is about continuity within division, so what does unity within division refer to?

As mentioned earlier, family division is a basic way of reproducing families in China. However, the new families produced by family division (the divided families) are not completely independent. Also stemming from the concept of the unity of father and son, the common opening phrase for family division, "a tree grows branches," indicates that branches emerge from the same root. There is a natural connection between divided families and the original family, as well as among divided families, rooted in family consciousness and the deeply ingrained concept of descendants. Its existence allows for unity within division.

What does unity refer to? It mainly refers to the cultural connections between the original family and the divided families, as well as between the divided families, meaning that there are still priorities for economic cooperation and obligations to participate in cultural rituals and act united externally. Although these situations may not necessarily occur at all times, when they do occur, they often follow the aforementioned logic. In other words, this is a cultural agreement, and the parties involved can have clear expectations of it. It is somewhat like the legal concept of "expectation rights"; in life, when there is a need for cooperation, generally speaking, the divided families are the first to be considered. For example, the cooperation between divided families and the original family, as well as between divided families, arises from this cultural rule.

(1) Between divided families and the original family

The need for cooperation among small farming families is evident, and who to cooperate with shows a characteristic of prioritizing family and kin. This situation is particularly evident in rural areas after the implementation of the joint production responsibility system. According to a survey conducted by Mr. Wang Sibin in the mid-1980s, cooperation among families and kin accounted for 67.1% of total rural production cooperation, while cooperation among neighbors and general villagers accounted for 32.9%, with the former being twice that of the latter. Among the cooperation between families and kin, cooperation among small families within three generations accounted for 33.4%; cooperation among families outside three generations and within five degrees of kinship accounted for 28.9%; and cooperation among female relatives accounted for 32.8%. For example, in my investigation of Beiwang Village, the family of CZF (male, 51 years old) received over 10 acres of land when they contracted in 1982 with 5 people. Due to the marriage of his son, they divided their families in 1995. The two courtyards were divided by drawing lots. The farmland was divided into 3 parts, with CZF and his two sons each receiving 1 part; the pear trees, totaling 440, were also divided into 3 parts, with each divided family receiving over 100 trees. In the same year, the second son established a pear storage facility, costing over 100,000 yuan, with the funds shared among the three families, and the profits and losses were also shared.

Sometimes, the need for economic cooperation can even lead to previously divided families merging again, where unity becomes not just an economic connection but a structural change. In 1984, a survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology at the Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences on 2,237 households in 9 counties in Sichuan indicated that after implementing the responsibility system, 31 households that had previously divided their families merged again, accounting for 1.38% of the surveyed households.

Additionally, according to the statistical data from Beiwang Village in 1965, there were 24 extended families in the village and 35 core families, accounting for 7.14% and 10.42% of the total households, respectively. After the 1980s, the proportion of core families and extended families in Beiwang Village showed an upward trend, increasing to 132% and 15.37%, respectively.

(2) Between divided families

The relationship between divided families mainly refers to the horizontal relationships among brothers. The "brother" relationship is a group of relationships subordinate to the vertical "father-son" relationship. In Chinese culture, when mentioning "brothers," it is often said that "brothers are like hands and feet." Hands and feet refer to the whole person, and the whole here is the family. The cultural rule emphasized by Confucianism, "brothers should be friendly and younger brothers should be respectful," provides a certain cultural foundation for the "unity" of divided families after division.

In folk society, while emphasizing the independent entrepreneurship of brothers after family division, the production mutual assistance among brothers' families and their cooperation in cultural rituals and joint external actions are also valued. In traditional agricultural society, cooperation among brothers' families in farming, harvesting, and threshing is very common. Additionally, although everything is divided during family division, there are still some indivisible items, such as wells, mills, livestock, and courtyards, which are often shared. This shared relationship is also a basis for maintaining unity between divided families.

The manifestations of unity have been described above. So, what is the difference between unity and continuity? If continuity is a vertical obligation from the lower to the upper, then unity includes both vertical and horizontal relationships based on the awareness of connected branches and shared bloodlines, which often manifests as a kind of expectation.

Because there is both continuity and unity within division, the economic split of families based on economic ties does not mean the split of the family; the original family and the divided families, as well as between divided families, still have various close relationships. It can be said that the original family and all divided families belong to an apparently invisible family, which is a ritual family or "conceptual family." In other words, family division brings about a division at the family level, but the original family and divided families also have elements of unity, which is the unity at the clan level. Thus, the division at the family level and the unity at the clan level form the basic operational mechanism of the Chinese family, namely the division-unity mechanism. It is worth emphasizing that this division-unity mechanism reflects both the practical needs of farmers' lives and the ethical principles of Confucianism. Here, one cannot help but admire the survival wisdom of Chinese farmers.

It is generally believed that family division is like cell division, a complete rupture of the whole; however, this is not the case. Because there is both continuity and unity within division, the original family and all divided families are economically separated, but various family obligations, religious obligations, and cultural agreements still connect them. From mutual assistance in production and funds, shared production tools, and the priority of adopting children from the same clan and buying land from the same clan, to coordinating and assisting in rituals during joyous and sorrowful events, there are various aspects of daily life in farming families that involve close interactions between the original family and divided families, as well as among divided families. It can be said that culturally, Chinese families are forever inseparable. Thus, after family division, the original family and all divided families form an apparently invisible family, where each constituent unit has an orderly relationship of rights and obligations, and the basis for this order is the kinship of father and son. The maintenance of this relationship relies on culture. Among them, the cultural concept of the unity of ancestors and descendants is the conscious foundation upon which this order is established and maintained.

Research on family division helps to understand the relationship between the grand tradition and the small tradition. My research indicates that the relationship between the grand tradition and the small tradition in Chinese society is not oppositional but rather a connected separation. Chinese farmers, on the one hand, must make rational choices based on their practical life needs, and on the other hand, they must accept the grand traditional culture transmitted by the gentry class; thus, the actual living styles reflect a clever combination of the two. Family division is a necessity for practical life, which seems to contradict the Confucian ideal of living together for generations and also contradicts the principle of the unity of father and son. However, the invisible family formed after family division, the cultural family, is a realization of Confucian values. In other words, the Chinese family exhibits a tendency for separation at certain stages of its life cycle, while also possessing a strong centripetal force. Under the influence of these seemingly conflicting yet mutually reinforcing forces, the Chinese family division system has formed. This system demonstrates a high degree of integration between the grand tradition and the small tradition and reflects the survival wisdom of the Chinese people. From the perspective of the reproduction of the feudal system and feudal society itself, this system is extremely refined, yet from the perspective of the needs of productive forces and social development, it has many drawbacks, but this is beyond the scope of this article.

Text editing: Lin Shang

Push editing: Li Jinyao, Li Yuxuan

Review: Tian Geng

This article "On Family Division: In Division, There is Continuity and Unity — A Study of China's Family Division System" is selected from "Social Sciences in China," Issue 1, 1999. For ease of reading, footnotes and references have been omitted.